Scottish Independence and its Macroeconomic Framework at the RES
14 Apr 2014 12:42 PM
National Institute of Economic and Social Research at
the Royal Economic Society
Scottish Independence and its Macroeconomic
Framework
The
National Institute of Economic and Social Research held a Special Session on
Scottish Independence and the Macroeconomic Framework at the Royal Economic
Society's 2014 Annual Conference on Tuesday 8th April. This is an
opportunity to examine how a possible macroeconomic framework for a small
economy might look in light of the lessons learned from the past six years. To
ensure an informed discussion, a member of the Scottish Government’s
Council of Economic Advisers will join three independent researchers involved
in the economics of the Scottish referendum debate.
For
live coverage from 5pm, click here.
(Chair) Dr Angus Armstrong, National Institute for
Economic and Social Research, Centre for Macroeconomics and ESRC Senior
Scottish Fellow
Professor Andrew Hughes-Hallett, George Mason
University, St Andrews University and Scottish Government’s Council of
Economic Advisers, Fiscal rules and financial regulation
Gemma Tetlow, Programme Director, Institute for Fiscal
Studies, Fiscal options and challenges for an independent
Scotland
Dr
Monique Ebell, National Institute for Economic and Social Research and Centre
for Macroeconomics, Scotland's currency options
Professor David Bell, University of Stirling and ESRC
Senior Scottish Fellow, Fiscal challenges under alternative constitutional
arrangements
Dr
Monique Ebell (NIESR) will present a summary of NIESR's published work on
currency options and the financial framework. This includes findings published
in a new Discussion Paper (No. 426) entitled “Assets and Liabilities and
Scottish Independence” authored by Dr Angus Armstrong and Dr Monique
Ebell and published on the NIESR website here. The key findings are:
- The
division of existing UK assets and liabilities would determine the initial
economic conditions for an independent Scotland and therefore the
appropriateness of its macroeconomic
framework.
- The
Whole Government Accounts (WGA) is the consolidated accounts of UK public
sector assets and liabilities, including the Bank of England. The latest
accounts for 2011-12 show a net liability (after taking into account assets) of
£1,347bn. This compares to a public sector net debt (PSND) of
£1,160bn.
- The
best measure of market issued debt for the UK is gross debt (or
‘Maastricht’ definition debt). The OBR predicts this will be
£1.7tn in 2015-16. If Scotland becomes independent, it is likely to
benefit from receiving a geographic share of the North Sea oil and gas reserves
and assume a population share of the gross debt of about £143bn. Its debt
to GDP ratio would then be 86%.
- An
independent Scotland would not have the resources to cover this obligation.
Therefore, an IOU obligation would be created where the Scottish government
would make annual payments to cover its share of debt interest plus the
maturing debt. Approximately £23bn would be required in the first year
plus whatever is required to cover the fiscal deficit.
- According to the OBR, the tax yield from oil and gas
between 2019 and 2041 is estimated at £56bn. Assuming an independent
Scotland receives 84%, the tax yield would be £47bn in cash terms (i.e.
not discounted). This is about one-third of the value of debt an independent
Scotland would inherit.
- Our
report shows that because an IOU from independent Scotland would not constitute
a liquid asset, the gross debt burden of the continuing UK would rise by 9
percentage points to 102%. This would be likely to catch the attention of
credit rating agencies.
- Tax
revenues from offshore oil and gas are notoriously volatile. Revenues from oil
and gas fell by almost one-half between 2011-12 and 2012-13 to £5.3bn,
equivalent to 3% of Scotland’s GDP. The White Paper proposes building up
an oil fund to be able to smooth out this volatility, but it is difficult to
see how such an oil fund could be built up. In 2012-13, Scotland’s
onshore fiscal deficit was 14.0% of its GDP.
- Armstrong and Ebell (2013) include an estimation of
borrowing costs for nations in a formal monetary union. The most important
determinant is the liquidity of national bond markets. Small countries in the
Eurozone, such as Finland and the Netherlands, pay a premium on Germany’s
borrowing costs, despite having a more favourable fiscal position. We conclude
that an independent Scotland in a formal monetary union would pay between 0.72%
and 1.65% more than the UK for issuing ten year
bonds.
- The
choice of currency is important, not only for trade and transactions costs, but
also for the ability to resolve shocks and stabilize the economy.
Scotland’s choice of currency must be appropriate for a small open
economy with a high level of debt, volatile tax revenues and higher borrowing
costs.
- Research (Armstrong and Ebell (2013) and (2014))
explains why a formal monetary union would not be in the interests of the UK or
an independent Scotland. Combining the initial conditions with using the
currency of another country would make Scotland a hostage to fortune. Possible
higher exchange costs of 0.1% to 0.2% of GDP are much smaller than the cost of
financial disruption. Economists at the IMF estimate the cost of crises
in terms of lost output relative to trend is typically 20% to 30% of
GDP.
- The
continuing UK would already have a £143bn IOU from an independent
Scotland. It is hard to see why the government would increase this exposure by
acting as lender of last resort to institutions in Scotland. A lack of sterling
lender of last resort is likely to lead to financial institutions migrating
south and higher borrowing costs as banks in Scotland compete with UK
institutions for deposits.
- Advocates of the currency union suggest these risks can
all be managed by well-designed cross-border fiscal agreements. History is less
encouraging, not least because there can be no binding enforcement between
sovereign states.
ENDS
For
full copies of the discussion paper please follow the link to the website, or
contact Brooke Hollingshead on 0207 654 1923 / b.hollingshead@niesr.ac.uk
To
discuss the research for interviews, please contact:
Dr
Angus Armstrong: a.armstrong@niesr.ac.uk and 0207-654-1925,
or
Dr
Monique Ebell, m.ebell@niesr.ac.uk and 0207-654-1926
For
further information:
National Institute of Economic and Social
Research
2
Dean Trench Street
Smith Square
London, SW1P 3HE
United Kingdom
Switchboard Telephone Number: +44 (0) 207 222
7665
Website: http://www.niesr.ac.uk